Ukraine of the vast majority, not two imaginary or manipulated minorities.
The main material and results of the study
It should begin with a description of the very tradition of nonviolence in politics, as it developed in the classical form in the activities of its most authoritative representatives – M. Gandhi and M. -L. King. The first thing that is traditionally pointed out here is a reminder of a common mistake about nonviolence: interpreting it as passivity (this is one of the following definitions: "Using passive resistance as a form of protest and a means of struggle"). In fact, the term "satyagraha" chosen by Gandhi means "stability in truth." And in all the cases that have gone down in history as the victory of the nonviolence movement (more on this below), we meet such fundamental elements as the stability of the character of the participants in the movement, thoughtful tactics of their actions.
Fundamental to the tradition of nonviolence is the introduction (return) into politics of the phenomenon of human dignity, which is a true universal. Gandhi’s first definition of law in a British colony in South Africa (directed against the Indian community), from which the first satyagraha began: "It will fundamentally undermine our self-esteem." And when M. Gandhi speaks of the need to forgive the British, he introduces the same element as the original: "Forgiveness is the adornment of a warrior. But to refrain from punishment only in that case means" to forgive "if there is a possibility of punishment.
Forgiveness does not make sense if it comes from the powerless ". And when he proposes to turn to the traditional spin as a means against extreme poverty, then here we meet again this cornerstone. Indologist OD Litman notes:" Given that the colonial government does not take any steps to eliminate unemployment, Gandhi believed that khadi (a type of fabric produced on such a spinning wheel – E. Shch.) to some extent economically help the unemployed, and most importantly – raise their self-esteem, instill in them self-confidence forces ". That is, and for the political, and for economic, and for the moral sphere (to forgive his former oppressor) – the necessary dignity.
This cornerstone of the nonviolence movement has to do with something else: taking responsibility (of course, there is no responsibility without dignity). Unlike a criminal who tries to hide his crime, a member of a nonviolent movement, opposing an unjust law, consciously assumes responsibility from the beginning. As M. Gandhi said to the Indians after the events when the British authorities used a tree grows in brooklyn summary chapter 29-35 weapons against unarmed Protestants: "We must be prepared to look with mental balance not at the thousands of innocent men and women killed, but at the many, many thousands before India will rise to an unattainable level … Let everyone look at hanging as a normal thing in life … ".
Similarly, during civil disobedience rallies in the southern United States, when the administration ordered large-scale arrests of participants, those subject to these decisions went to the police themselves: "No one was afraid. No one tried to avoid arrest. Many blacks volunteered to go to the sheriff’s office to see if their names were on the list, and if they weren’t there, they were disappointed. struggle for freedom ".
They stopped fearing even the Ku Klux Klan threats: "Usually, after the Ku Klux Klan threats, Negroes locked the doors of houses, closed the shutters, turned off the lights. But this time they prepared a surprise. When the clan members arrived, according to newspapers, about forty trucks.Dressed in their hoodies and hoods, the doors of the houses were open, the lights were on everywhere, and when the Kukluks passed through the streets, the Negroes behaved as if they were watching a circus show. Many of them went out and walked down the street as usual., The cars returned to the alley and disappeared in the dark ". This phenomenon is a notable feature of nonviolent campaigns.
Finally, respect for the law and obedience to the law are fundamental to the tradition of nonviolence. M. Gandhi writes: "Before participating in a campaign of civil disobedience, everyone must diligently and respectfully obey state laws." "Satyagrah obeys the laws of society consciously and of his own free will because he considers it his sacred duty. Only when a person carefully observes the laws of society can he judge which of these laws are good and just and which are unjust. Only then it has the right to civil disobedience to certain laws in well-defined circumstances ".
Respect for the law is necessary also because the task of nonviolent resistance in these classic cases was to negotiate: because the situation before the nonviolent campaigns was marked by the fact that both Indians for the British and Negroes for whites were not equal partners, were not perceived as equals. on dignity. Speaking about the tactics of direct action, which has become a "business card" of the tradition of nonviolence (more on this below), M. -L. King said: "Negotiation is the goal of direct action. The purpose of nonviolent action is to create such a crisis and such important tensions that a society that stubbornly refuses to negotiate is forced to face the facts. These actions are aimed at dramatizing the problem so that it could no longer be ignored.
I just mentioned creating tensions as part of nonviolent resistance. This may seem awful. But, I confess, I am not afraid of the word "tension". I have sincerely opposed violent tensions, but there is a constructive, non-violent tension that is necessary for the development of society. Just as Socrates felt the need to create tension in people’s minds so that they could rise above their mythical ideas and the half-truths that bound them and freely achieve a high level of creative analysis and objective evaluation, we must feel the need for axes of nonviolence. which will create in our society circumstances of tension, which helps a person to rise from the gloomy depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood ".
Thus, a nonviolent campaign aims to bring into negotiation a situation where one part of society refuses to perceive another as a worthy opponent. Accordingly, the tactics of the nonviolent movement combine two elements: to create a situation when it is impossible to ignore you, and at the same time to do so by means that do not harm the dignity of the opponent: you are interested in it as well as in yours – because your future partner in negotiations.
For example, nonviolent protesters in the southern United States, protesting against the policy of segregation of public places, appeared in groups at bus stations, cafeterias, shops, motels, sat or fell to the floor, seeking the same service as whites.
Or one of the measures of a nonviolent campaign in India, called "chherao": a crowd of Indians surrounded by British officials and, without touching them, did not give them the opportunity to go to work. The activities of the administration were completely paralyzed . It should be noted the simplicity of the forms of protest, their availability for all participants: of course, technically easy to enter the room and take a seat; or, as during M. Gandhi’s famous "salt campaign", to come to the sea, collect water in a cauldron and evaporate salt, thus breaking the British salt monopoly. This simplicity is important for the technical support of mass participation.
It should be noted that as a result of translating the situation into the dimension of negotiations, as they are built on the basis of mutual recognition of the dignity of the parties, a higher level of stability of society is achieved.
Thus, the tradition of nonviolence in politics is marked by the recognition of human dignity as the basis of all actions, acceptance of one’s own responsibility, respect for the law and tactics of direct action aimed at translating the situation into a negotiated mode where the parties mutually recognize each other’s dignity.
Now, having described in general terms the tradition of non-violence, we will try to check the presence of these features in the "Orange Revolution" and, in particular, in the Maidan phenomenon.
One researcher aptly noted the common peacefulness of the Maidan civil protest, which impressed many observers (friendliness, organization, no broken shop windows with hundreds of thousands of people) – and similar behavior during the pope’s visit three years earlier, explaining it: "Merit Yu … instead of discussing language, culture, etc. – everything that hurts our intelligentsia so much – he started talking about human dignity and honor, and it turned out that as soon as you choose this topic as the central, then you get Ukraine of the vast majority, not two imaginary or manipulated minorities.
It is also important who speaks – because no matter how much he talks about the need to live in Kuchma’s honesty, no one will believe him. I will cite the example of the recent past: when John Paul II came to Lviv, about a million people gathered there who came of their own free will and maintained perfect order. What is not a prototype of the modern Maidan? And they did so because the pope appealed to a sense of human dignity – a fundamental Christian virtue – and was himself its embodiment ".
And the problem of preserving dignity arose during the 2004 election campaign with unprecedented severity. Thus, the psychologist O. Suslova, who recorded the stories of the protesters about what preceded these events and how they perceived it, drew attention to the regularity of the appearance in their descriptions of the formula "rape": "… I had a strong feeling that I’m just being raped. Me, my family, my environment – rape! "" I had a feeling that my children, my husband, were being raped here on the road.
And in front of them I am raped. And they can’t help me, and I can’t ask for their protection. And I had a desire to stop them, just get out of the car, lie down under the wheels and stop them at least at the cost of his life ".